Rapid Review
Authors: Neha, Macfarlane, Derby, Clarke, Macfarlane, Torepe, Duckworth, Gibson and Fletcher
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Acknowledgements
The spotlight of this meta-review of literature is in line with Ngā Pae o te Māramatanga (New Zealand Centre of Māori Excellence in Research) recommendations for specific research focused on innovative and mana-enhancing imperatives for whānau Māori in an ever-changing global society. Acknowledgements and thanks to Ngā Pae o Te Māramatanga (The New Zealand Māori Centre of Research Excellence) for funding a two-year Platform Project. |
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Mana motuhake (whānau identity, attitudes and values)
The importance of culture to mana motuhake and the symbiotic relationship between the home/family environment and New Zealand workplace environment are foundational for whānau wellbeing and the communities they continue to exist within. Considering Indigenous culture, values and customs, and the role these may play in enhancing wellbeing and satisfaction are all encompassing and of benefit to the Māori community. Brougham, Haar, and Roche (2015) explored the importance of cultural understanding in a multicultural country, and provided useful insights into the positive effects that work and family can have on cultural attitudes. The study surveyed 172 Māori employees in 14 New Zealand organisations. Two factors emerged: workplace-cultural-wellbeing and workplace-cultural-satisfaction. Alignment with a strong cultural orientation towards collectivism in the workplace has benefits for indigenous or Māori employees. Collectivism was beneficial at all levels of both work-family and family-work enrichment with regards to satisfaction, with those who identified high collectivism reporting higher workplace-cultural-satisfaction at all levels of enrichment. The findings from this study found that collectivism had a bi-directional relationship between work-family and family-work enrichment.
Reid (2011) in her New Zealand study explored how Māori cultural values can impact on careers. The author used semi-structured interviews with 22 Māori to examine the dynamic cultural contexts in which career processes had been enacted. The participants’ career-life stories were collected to clarify the relationship between cultural values and career processes. Key questions were asked, such as, who were significant people and events in the research participants’ working lives; what the meaning of being Māori is in their working life; and the meaning of the word ‘career’ to them. The interviews occurred in three stages. Reid (2011) used a typology of ‘keeper’, ‘seeker’ and ‘cloaked’ to position the 22 research participants. The ‘keepers’ retained cultural values, had strong knowledge and experiences of cultural traditions and use of Te reo Māori (Māori language). They often referred to a sense of duty to support and help Māori. The ‘seekers’ were exploring new possibilities and ascertaining their life meaning by comfortably moving in and out of non-Māori and Māori worlds. Finally, the ‘cloaked’ located a cultural identity that was meaningful to them. They tended to have a random quest for cultural identity. While not denying their Māori heritage, they did not make it overtly identifiable. Reid (2011) suggested that Māori cultural values are dynamic which help to inform career processes. A representation of how cultural values were enacted in career processes was dependent on the diverse range of expressions of being Māori.
Myre’s (2016) research explored the attitudes of 15 New Zealand university staff members from departments across the university who had varying levels of fluency in te reo Māori (Māori language), and their attitudes to the use of te reo Māori in the workplace. The author concluded that the motivation to develop personal te reo Māori skills was dependent on whether the support from the employers was passive or active. When a workplace had an initiative-taking using te reo Māori, this improved the motivation for employees to undertake te reo Māori courses and use it within their workplace. Although the participants were divided in their opinions of whether learning Te reo Māori should be compulsory in the workplace, they did strongly advocate that employers and managers should actively encourage the learning and revitalisation of te reo Māori. Organised events for employees to meet up and practice and develop their use of te reo Māori were sought by the research participants. In general, Myre’s work (2016) called for further research and initiatives to promote the use of te reo Māori in workplaces.
Reid (2011) in her New Zealand study explored how Māori cultural values can impact on careers. The author used semi-structured interviews with 22 Māori to examine the dynamic cultural contexts in which career processes had been enacted. The participants’ career-life stories were collected to clarify the relationship between cultural values and career processes. Key questions were asked, such as, who were significant people and events in the research participants’ working lives; what the meaning of being Māori is in their working life; and the meaning of the word ‘career’ to them. The interviews occurred in three stages. Reid (2011) used a typology of ‘keeper’, ‘seeker’ and ‘cloaked’ to position the 22 research participants. The ‘keepers’ retained cultural values, had strong knowledge and experiences of cultural traditions and use of Te reo Māori (Māori language). They often referred to a sense of duty to support and help Māori. The ‘seekers’ were exploring new possibilities and ascertaining their life meaning by comfortably moving in and out of non-Māori and Māori worlds. Finally, the ‘cloaked’ located a cultural identity that was meaningful to them. They tended to have a random quest for cultural identity. While not denying their Māori heritage, they did not make it overtly identifiable. Reid (2011) suggested that Māori cultural values are dynamic which help to inform career processes. A representation of how cultural values were enacted in career processes was dependent on the diverse range of expressions of being Māori.
Myre’s (2016) research explored the attitudes of 15 New Zealand university staff members from departments across the university who had varying levels of fluency in te reo Māori (Māori language), and their attitudes to the use of te reo Māori in the workplace. The author concluded that the motivation to develop personal te reo Māori skills was dependent on whether the support from the employers was passive or active. When a workplace had an initiative-taking using te reo Māori, this improved the motivation for employees to undertake te reo Māori courses and use it within their workplace. Although the participants were divided in their opinions of whether learning Te reo Māori should be compulsory in the workplace, they did strongly advocate that employers and managers should actively encourage the learning and revitalisation of te reo Māori. Organised events for employees to meet up and practice and develop their use of te reo Māori were sought by the research participants. In general, Myre’s work (2016) called for further research and initiatives to promote the use of te reo Māori in workplaces.
Mana ukaipo (place and environmental functions)
One way of explaining mana ukaipo is the synchronicity between a mother and its child such as breast feeding the child. An extension to this explanation of mana ukaipo lends itself to the nurturing and responsibility of the care between whānau and their tribal lands and waters. To this end, kaitiakitanga (stewardship) used for caring for resources from whānau lands harvested and on sold a valuable resource such as harakeke (flax). Harakeke was used for the shipping and rope industry and was a source of economic sustenance and agency for whānau prior to colonisation (Orange, 2014).
Panelli and Tipa (2007) highlighted that Māori, similar to the marginalisation of other indigenous peoples in the world, have had minimal input to the sustainability and ecological wellbeing of the natural resources which maintained the livelihoods of their ancestors. When these rights to natural resources have been stripped away by neoliberal and corporate ideology, protecting and maintaining mauri (life force) and wairua (spirituality) are seriously at risk. However, when kaitiakitanga (guardianship or management of land, sea and rivers) is implemented it helps to bolster whānau economy and independence, opposed to poverty and state dependence (Kawhura, 2019). Economic development and the growth of communities are central to the improvement of people’s livelihoods and wellbeing. Kawhura’s (2019) Pā to Plate programme imbedded Indigenous concepts into a community value chain which incorporates the circular values such as taking part in marae pā gardening and returning food scraps back to the land or animals. The centrality of cultural values and the role of whakapapa are highly evident within this value chain.
In another study by Stein, Mirosa, and Carter (2018), a mana enhancing programme was premised on four Māori women’s community-based leadership and mana ukaipo. The study reported on māra kai or successful traditional food production, biodiversity protection and cultural resurgence of traditional Māori food. The authors discussed how the research participants used mana wāhine (Māori female leadership) to understand and disseminate whānau based knowledge that related to variations of localised food security systems in practice. The methodology used a convergence approach towards participatory action and Māori centred principles, such as, mana enhancement of subsistent and successful kai production. For example, the participatory focus was placed upon collaboration and knowledge exchange, and the Māori centred emphasis was situated around the issues of food production, access to resources and unemployment.
Mana ukaipo and māra kai (harvesting and growing of food) are positive practices community kai systems and they promote good oranga (health) that reconnects some whānau with the land (Stein et al., 2018). The work of Stein and colleagues highlighted the role of mana wāhine (female leadership) in teaching respect and appreciation of traditional māra kai practices to promote future kaitiakitanga of their land. Sustainable practices as māra kai aims to boost the level of whānau involvement that align with community gardening projects intended to produce health, financial and social benefits. Further, these practices address sustainable whānau practices that are housed within community-based participatory action and kaupapa principles. One question around sustainable food practices and knowledge transfer is that whānau in this study were domiciled in rural contexts where access to food was closer between whānau. Therefore, how can māra kai be successful with pan tribal urban whānau where food may be harder to access?
Panelli and Tipa (2007) highlighted that Māori, similar to the marginalisation of other indigenous peoples in the world, have had minimal input to the sustainability and ecological wellbeing of the natural resources which maintained the livelihoods of their ancestors. When these rights to natural resources have been stripped away by neoliberal and corporate ideology, protecting and maintaining mauri (life force) and wairua (spirituality) are seriously at risk. However, when kaitiakitanga (guardianship or management of land, sea and rivers) is implemented it helps to bolster whānau economy and independence, opposed to poverty and state dependence (Kawhura, 2019). Economic development and the growth of communities are central to the improvement of people’s livelihoods and wellbeing. Kawhura’s (2019) Pā to Plate programme imbedded Indigenous concepts into a community value chain which incorporates the circular values such as taking part in marae pā gardening and returning food scraps back to the land or animals. The centrality of cultural values and the role of whakapapa are highly evident within this value chain.
In another study by Stein, Mirosa, and Carter (2018), a mana enhancing programme was premised on four Māori women’s community-based leadership and mana ukaipo. The study reported on māra kai or successful traditional food production, biodiversity protection and cultural resurgence of traditional Māori food. The authors discussed how the research participants used mana wāhine (Māori female leadership) to understand and disseminate whānau based knowledge that related to variations of localised food security systems in practice. The methodology used a convergence approach towards participatory action and Māori centred principles, such as, mana enhancement of subsistent and successful kai production. For example, the participatory focus was placed upon collaboration and knowledge exchange, and the Māori centred emphasis was situated around the issues of food production, access to resources and unemployment.
Mana ukaipo and māra kai (harvesting and growing of food) are positive practices community kai systems and they promote good oranga (health) that reconnects some whānau with the land (Stein et al., 2018). The work of Stein and colleagues highlighted the role of mana wāhine (female leadership) in teaching respect and appreciation of traditional māra kai practices to promote future kaitiakitanga of their land. Sustainable practices as māra kai aims to boost the level of whānau involvement that align with community gardening projects intended to produce health, financial and social benefits. Further, these practices address sustainable whānau practices that are housed within community-based participatory action and kaupapa principles. One question around sustainable food practices and knowledge transfer is that whānau in this study were domiciled in rural contexts where access to food was closer between whānau. Therefore, how can māra kai be successful with pan tribal urban whānau where food may be harder to access?
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Education can be life-long and is a key pathway to enduring chances of prospering in society. A Macfarlane (2010) explains how the visible lack of understanding a Māori worldview in mainstream New Zealand may be a significant precipitator of why a number of Māori students underachieve in a schooling education and/or are excluded from it. The author asserts that in a society which is often depicted as bi-cultural or multi-cultural, underachievement is frequently ‘explained away’ by pathologising students on the base of supposed cultural deficits. However, it is increasingly common for services such as health, social welfare and education to be structured to accommodate the cultural background of people who are recipients of these services.
One chronicled positive example of whānau success, was the Ka Awatea study which reported successful accounts of Māori secondary school leavers (A Macfarlane, Webber, McRae, & Cookson-Cox, 2014). The authors espoused some significant antidotes to deprivation, exemplified by the construct and enactment of ‘mana’, in various forms. Four replenishing mātauranga (educational) subject matters emerged from the study. Firstly, mana motuhake was a positive context of Māori identity where the students engaged meaningfully with their Māori culture. Additionally, these students’ behaviour in wider society were underpinned by Māori values such as manaakitanga and māhaki (being inoffensive, humble and tolerant). Secondly, the theme of mana tū, (a sense of courage and resilience) was critical. The successful Māori students in the study had developed a positive self-efficacy and self-concept, had high expectations and enjoyed physical, emotional and spiritual wellbeing. The next area was mana ūkaipo, where a sense of place was evident and the learning was related to the context was key to these successful Māori rangatahi school leavers. Finally, the theme of mana tangatarua, where there is a sense of being able to navigate between two worlds, was apparent amongst these rangatahi, and is key to many Māori living in the 21st century. Importantly, in Macfarlane and colleagues’ (2014) study, the Māori secondary students’ academic success did not come at the expense of their Māori identity.
Education, whether it be at secondary, tertiary levels or in workplace settings can be central to improving outcomes for Māori, in particular. Understanding the fundamental enablers for Māori to be engaged and succeed in the workplace is crucial. In this endeavour, supporting Māori in workplace settings, was the focus of a study by (Kerehoma, Connor, Garrow, & Young, 2013). They used a qualitative approach and conducted interviews with 34 Māori learners engaged in industry training, such as apprenticeships. They conducted focus group interviews with 35 key stakeholders, including employers, Industry Training Organisation field staff, iwi representatives and career advisors. The study found that key enablers were multi-layered. A tuakana-teina model (reciprocal peer learning and mentoring), connectedness with the employer and work colleagues, along with whānau support and encouragement were needed. On an individual level, similar to the Ka Awatea research (2014) findings, values such as commitment and mana tū (courage and resilience), and mana ūkaipo (sense of place) and belonging were crucial.
It has been found that encouraging Māori into career pathways that support their own whānau and iwi provides the sense of connectedness. This connection underlies the key value of whanaungatanga, where there are strong relationships incorporating reciprocity and trust (Kerehoma et al., 2013; Mooney, 2016) For example, Taina Campbell’s agenda in advancing Māori and Pacific workforces in the District Health Boards in Aotearoa New Zealand, incorporated a strategy for rangatahi and scholarship. This was underpinned by the philosophy of developing awareness in Māori senior secondary school leavers of the number of Māori and Pasifika who are patients in healthcare institutions. The authors asserted that Māori and Pasifika patients would benefit from having a higher percentage of their own people working in the health field (Manchester, 2012). The provision of culturally appropriate mainstream healthcare and Māori specific services allows for a kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face engagement) with health care workers who are culturally aware of best ways forward in supporting patients and their whānau during times of personal crisis.
Mooney’s (2012) research exploring the connectedness between social workers and rangatahi with hauora hinengaro (mental health) needs, once again reinforces the replenishing themes evidenced in the Ka Awatea research (A. Macfarlane, Webber, Cookson-Cox, & MacRae, 2014). When Māori social workers have a Māori worldview and utilise culturally appropriate practices and values with the rangatahi and their whānau, a more positive rapport is readily established. By engaging rangatahi as key personnel and creating an environment that is client-centred with trust and respect as key drivers, the rapport of the relationships is enhanced. In brief, whānau education and achievement echoes the importance of relational aspects such as humour which is shown in the next section.
One chronicled positive example of whānau success, was the Ka Awatea study which reported successful accounts of Māori secondary school leavers (A Macfarlane, Webber, McRae, & Cookson-Cox, 2014). The authors espoused some significant antidotes to deprivation, exemplified by the construct and enactment of ‘mana’, in various forms. Four replenishing mātauranga (educational) subject matters emerged from the study. Firstly, mana motuhake was a positive context of Māori identity where the students engaged meaningfully with their Māori culture. Additionally, these students’ behaviour in wider society were underpinned by Māori values such as manaakitanga and māhaki (being inoffensive, humble and tolerant). Secondly, the theme of mana tū, (a sense of courage and resilience) was critical. The successful Māori students in the study had developed a positive self-efficacy and self-concept, had high expectations and enjoyed physical, emotional and spiritual wellbeing. The next area was mana ūkaipo, where a sense of place was evident and the learning was related to the context was key to these successful Māori rangatahi school leavers. Finally, the theme of mana tangatarua, where there is a sense of being able to navigate between two worlds, was apparent amongst these rangatahi, and is key to many Māori living in the 21st century. Importantly, in Macfarlane and colleagues’ (2014) study, the Māori secondary students’ academic success did not come at the expense of their Māori identity.
Education, whether it be at secondary, tertiary levels or in workplace settings can be central to improving outcomes for Māori, in particular. Understanding the fundamental enablers for Māori to be engaged and succeed in the workplace is crucial. In this endeavour, supporting Māori in workplace settings, was the focus of a study by (Kerehoma, Connor, Garrow, & Young, 2013). They used a qualitative approach and conducted interviews with 34 Māori learners engaged in industry training, such as apprenticeships. They conducted focus group interviews with 35 key stakeholders, including employers, Industry Training Organisation field staff, iwi representatives and career advisors. The study found that key enablers were multi-layered. A tuakana-teina model (reciprocal peer learning and mentoring), connectedness with the employer and work colleagues, along with whānau support and encouragement were needed. On an individual level, similar to the Ka Awatea research (2014) findings, values such as commitment and mana tū (courage and resilience), and mana ūkaipo (sense of place) and belonging were crucial.
It has been found that encouraging Māori into career pathways that support their own whānau and iwi provides the sense of connectedness. This connection underlies the key value of whanaungatanga, where there are strong relationships incorporating reciprocity and trust (Kerehoma et al., 2013; Mooney, 2016) For example, Taina Campbell’s agenda in advancing Māori and Pacific workforces in the District Health Boards in Aotearoa New Zealand, incorporated a strategy for rangatahi and scholarship. This was underpinned by the philosophy of developing awareness in Māori senior secondary school leavers of the number of Māori and Pasifika who are patients in healthcare institutions. The authors asserted that Māori and Pasifika patients would benefit from having a higher percentage of their own people working in the health field (Manchester, 2012). The provision of culturally appropriate mainstream healthcare and Māori specific services allows for a kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face engagement) with health care workers who are culturally aware of best ways forward in supporting patients and their whānau during times of personal crisis.
Mooney’s (2012) research exploring the connectedness between social workers and rangatahi with hauora hinengaro (mental health) needs, once again reinforces the replenishing themes evidenced in the Ka Awatea research (A. Macfarlane, Webber, Cookson-Cox, & MacRae, 2014). When Māori social workers have a Māori worldview and utilise culturally appropriate practices and values with the rangatahi and their whānau, a more positive rapport is readily established. By engaging rangatahi as key personnel and creating an environment that is client-centred with trust and respect as key drivers, the rapport of the relationships is enhanced. In brief, whānau education and achievement echoes the importance of relational aspects such as humour which is shown in the next section.
Mana tu (Building resilience, courage and positive relationships in the workplace) |
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Humour is an effective strategy when applied for negotiating leadership within some organisations where Māori etiquette and values prevail. Humour helps to build and enact many types of relationships in the workplace, and to express many layers of meaning. Holmes (2007) examined how some Māori leaders workplace humour, communication and delivery of kaupapa in their leadership behaviour within particular workplace situations enhanced relationships with work colleagues. The authors employed a qualitative approach by using written excerpts taken from six interviews to exemplify leadership and in tandem workplace humour at the start of meetings and the subsequent proceedings of the meeting. For example, self-deprecation humour was used in response to praise as a strategy of whakaiti (modesty). Although this study addressed some important aspects of humour in a Māori workplace, it could have also indicated future research purposes such as whether or not humour has a link to commercial productivity within the Māori workplace context and its wider implications towards the Māori economy. Nevertheless, this research makes a unique contribution to understanding a number of aspects of Māori leadership research by focusing on the role of whānau based strategies such as workplace humour. It highlights the use of a formalised process with the meeting starting with a karakia (prayers or incantations composed for a variety of functions in the workplace: protection and safety for the group). When praise has been shown towards leadership in the meeting, the praise is then responded with self-deprecation humour to show some level of whakaiti (diminishment).
The ways in which leaders in diverse workplace communities develop as effective leaders with their staff when they incorporate protocols and values such as politeness and contestive behaviours can differ. In Schnurr, Marra and Holmes (2007) the discourse was situated in the team meeting setting where excerpts were used with two Māori and two Pākehā (non-Māori) case studies. Team meeting aspects such as the formality and protocols of different work groups (for example, opening of meetings) and the ways in which contestive behaviour with humour were addressed in this study. The study helped to glean some understanding of politeness and contestive humour in one group, but may be considered inappropriate in members of another group. For instance, the Māori workplace groups showed a formalised style of meeting opening, whereas in the Pākehā workplace there was often a more relaxed style of meeting opening. Similarly, what is considered amusing associated with cultural values and different backgrounds and the way humour is employed contributes to the distinct community practices. For example, using an amusing performance of a workplace transgression through the use of te reo Māori can be conveyed in an indirect manner. Generally, a statement is made and people to whom it implies are expected to infer its relevance to them.
Achieving Māori leadership objectives can be sustained through the use of reinforcing politeness, by not pointing the finger at the group if a transgression has taken place. Through the use of group humour to indirectly get the message across to the transgressor(s), this can be a subtle way which can often diffuse a challenging situation. Another general aspect indicative of Māori respect and politeness is the sensitivity to status differences. Similar to a pōwhiri (formal welcome) in the workplace, the group members will make a subtle reminder of the leadership position which indicates respect for the leader. The take home point for Māori leadership to continue is by maintaining and preserving mana within the group by using the above strategies. In turn, mana executed by Māori leadership may link to cultural maintenance of wellbeing in in the work environment.
To supplement the four mana constructs discussed, we now draw upon the intrinsic and multidimensional element of wairua (spirituality).
The ways in which leaders in diverse workplace communities develop as effective leaders with their staff when they incorporate protocols and values such as politeness and contestive behaviours can differ. In Schnurr, Marra and Holmes (2007) the discourse was situated in the team meeting setting where excerpts were used with two Māori and two Pākehā (non-Māori) case studies. Team meeting aspects such as the formality and protocols of different work groups (for example, opening of meetings) and the ways in which contestive behaviour with humour were addressed in this study. The study helped to glean some understanding of politeness and contestive humour in one group, but may be considered inappropriate in members of another group. For instance, the Māori workplace groups showed a formalised style of meeting opening, whereas in the Pākehā workplace there was often a more relaxed style of meeting opening. Similarly, what is considered amusing associated with cultural values and different backgrounds and the way humour is employed contributes to the distinct community practices. For example, using an amusing performance of a workplace transgression through the use of te reo Māori can be conveyed in an indirect manner. Generally, a statement is made and people to whom it implies are expected to infer its relevance to them.
Achieving Māori leadership objectives can be sustained through the use of reinforcing politeness, by not pointing the finger at the group if a transgression has taken place. Through the use of group humour to indirectly get the message across to the transgressor(s), this can be a subtle way which can often diffuse a challenging situation. Another general aspect indicative of Māori respect and politeness is the sensitivity to status differences. Similar to a pōwhiri (formal welcome) in the workplace, the group members will make a subtle reminder of the leadership position which indicates respect for the leader. The take home point for Māori leadership to continue is by maintaining and preserving mana within the group by using the above strategies. In turn, mana executed by Māori leadership may link to cultural maintenance of wellbeing in in the work environment.
To supplement the four mana constructs discussed, we now draw upon the intrinsic and multidimensional element of wairua (spirituality).
Wairua (the invocation of physical and spiritual processes)
Wairua tahi (physical embodiment) and wairua (the part of the person that dreams) and how this wairua guides the person through their life is developed by internal and external influences. In trying to define wairua, The work of Foster (2009) found that three research participants agreed that wairua was a difficult concept to articulate and therefore define. They maintained that wairua was multidimensional which changed depending on the context in which it was being used. Operational definitions of wairua may become problematic in a research context because of its multifaceted phenomena that it exemplifies. The participants in the study of Foster (2009) universally agreed that wairua is viewed by whānau generally as being linked to beliefs, attitudes and values maintained through customary rituals protocols and practices. Furthermore, wairua, they contended, is a normal way of life for whānau which are affirmed through daily interaction and practice (Foster, 2009).
While contemporary individual Māori members may embrace traditional Māori culture to varying degrees, Te Ao Māori (a collective Māori world view) defines a distinctive common context indexed by wairua. The juxtaposition of Māori and European cultures presents an opportunity to contrast the highly spiritual nature of Māori culture with European traditions of linearity and rationality. This contrast can be especially appreciated in the consideration of career processes, such as, opening of meetings for whānau using a karakia or an affirmation, aphorism, prayer or incantation (Stephanie Schnurr, Meredith Marra, & Janet Holmes, 2007).
Further, mana wairua provides another base for potentially considering career decisions which may impact upon status and wellbeing of self, whānau, hapū and iwi. (Mason Durie, 1987); M Durie (1994, p. 70) states that Te Taha Wairua (the spiritual domain) is:
“…generally felt by Māori to be the most essential requirement for health. It implies a capacity to have faith and to be able to understand the links between the human situation and the environment. Without a spiritual awareness and a mauri (spirit or vitality, sometimes called a life-force) an individual cannot be healthy and is prone to illness or misfortune. A spiritual dimension encompasses religious belief and practices but is not synonymous with regular church going or strong adherence to a particular denomination. Belief in God is one reflection of wairua, but it is also evident in relationships with the environment, land, lakes, mountains, reefs have a spiritual significance quite apart from economic or agricultural considerations, and all are regularly commemorated in song, tribal history, and formal oratory.”
As Mason Durie (1987) explained, Māori belong to their whānau and land. Land provides a place for Māori to stand, which is foundational within the concept of mana tū, (a place to stand and environmental functions) and where whānau are safe and protected. The land, lakes, rivers and sea are cloak the basis of maintaining whānau based systems for economic wealth and wellbeing such as food sovereignty, accessibility and security (Mead, 2016).
Finally, we would like to broach the impediment of cultural taxation, that some Māori are encountering in their workplaces and communities.
While contemporary individual Māori members may embrace traditional Māori culture to varying degrees, Te Ao Māori (a collective Māori world view) defines a distinctive common context indexed by wairua. The juxtaposition of Māori and European cultures presents an opportunity to contrast the highly spiritual nature of Māori culture with European traditions of linearity and rationality. This contrast can be especially appreciated in the consideration of career processes, such as, opening of meetings for whānau using a karakia or an affirmation, aphorism, prayer or incantation (Stephanie Schnurr, Meredith Marra, & Janet Holmes, 2007).
Further, mana wairua provides another base for potentially considering career decisions which may impact upon status and wellbeing of self, whānau, hapū and iwi. (Mason Durie, 1987); M Durie (1994, p. 70) states that Te Taha Wairua (the spiritual domain) is:
“…generally felt by Māori to be the most essential requirement for health. It implies a capacity to have faith and to be able to understand the links between the human situation and the environment. Without a spiritual awareness and a mauri (spirit or vitality, sometimes called a life-force) an individual cannot be healthy and is prone to illness or misfortune. A spiritual dimension encompasses religious belief and practices but is not synonymous with regular church going or strong adherence to a particular denomination. Belief in God is one reflection of wairua, but it is also evident in relationships with the environment, land, lakes, mountains, reefs have a spiritual significance quite apart from economic or agricultural considerations, and all are regularly commemorated in song, tribal history, and formal oratory.”
As Mason Durie (1987) explained, Māori belong to their whānau and land. Land provides a place for Māori to stand, which is foundational within the concept of mana tū, (a place to stand and environmental functions) and where whānau are safe and protected. The land, lakes, rivers and sea are cloak the basis of maintaining whānau based systems for economic wealth and wellbeing such as food sovereignty, accessibility and security (Mead, 2016).
Finally, we would like to broach the impediment of cultural taxation, that some Māori are encountering in their workplaces and communities.
Cultural taxation
Frequently, Māori working in education environments are expected to fulfil cultural tasks and ceremonies with little recognition. Research investigating teachers in New Zealand mainstream schools found many were the victim of cultural taxation by non-Māori leaders and colleagues (Torepe, Macfarlane, Macfarlane, Manning, & Fletcher, 2019; Torepe & Manning, 2017). Principals hold a key role as significant others in leading and supporting culturally responsive bi-cultural schooling. For some of the research participants, professional development in culturally responsive pedagogies would have alleviated the multifaceted issues that the Māori teachers confronted. The absence of awareness of tikanga Māori (cultural rituals and practices) was frequently cited by participants. Furthermore, collegial misunderstandings or collegial ‘ignorance’ in the facilitation of professional development sessions were evident.
The additional professional and cultural tasks and responsibilities that this group of Māori teachers undertook frequently were not recognised financially or otherwise by their employers or fellow colleagues. Often, the teachers would define themselves as ‘ambassador-at-large’ or a ‘one-stop-Māori-shop’. Nonetheless, the participants had a deep commitment to being ethically obligated to undertake these roles. The Māori teachers had a sense of being ‘culturally obliged’ to tautoko (support) the students and aid their schools’ own Māori communities as ‘fellow Māori’. This profound sense of duty, considerably enlarged their likelihood of feeling ‘overwhelmed’ ‘stressed’, ‘tired’ and ‘burnt-out’.
This tendency, which also leaves Māori teachers feeling isolated, creates additional workload pressure for the participants and recurring feelings of ‘burn-out’. This trend, therefore, has the potential to undermine the implementation of the Ministry of Education’s national strategy for Māori education (Ka Hikitia) within the Waitaha region and, possibly, elsewhere in New Zealand. Given that Ka Hikitia advocates “Māori enjoying educational success as Māori” (Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 18), it is difficult to see how this admirable goal will be achieved locally and nationally, especially if Māori teachers feel ‘burnt-out’ as a result of being assigned additional duties that take their real workloads well above their official workloads with no recompense and little or no recognition.
It could also be argued that the ‘cultural taxation’ identified in the research of Torepe and Manning’s (2017) research, amounts to a breach of the Treaty of Waitangi principle of ‘active protection’ in the sense that not enough is being done to actively protect the wellbeing of Māori teachers who are critical to the implementation of official Māori education policy guidelines. ‘Bi-cultural practitioners’, such as those envisaged by the New Zealand Teachers Council Registered Teacher Criteria and the Professional standards for school leaders, require teachers and principals to be capable of performing tasks such as actively participating in hui and pōwhiri. The failure of the Crown to ensure that this is the case also suggests failure to ensure that the principles of ‘partnership’ and ‘participation’ are fairly applied.
This also raises questions about the Crown’s efforts to ‘actively protect’ Māori culture within the participating schools (and schools elsewhere). It is hard to see how Māori students will ‘enjoy educational success as Māori’, if Māori teachers themselves are left feeling burnt-out and/or professionally isolated and leave the teaching profession as a result.
The additional professional and cultural tasks and responsibilities that this group of Māori teachers undertook frequently were not recognised financially or otherwise by their employers or fellow colleagues. Often, the teachers would define themselves as ‘ambassador-at-large’ or a ‘one-stop-Māori-shop’. Nonetheless, the participants had a deep commitment to being ethically obligated to undertake these roles. The Māori teachers had a sense of being ‘culturally obliged’ to tautoko (support) the students and aid their schools’ own Māori communities as ‘fellow Māori’. This profound sense of duty, considerably enlarged their likelihood of feeling ‘overwhelmed’ ‘stressed’, ‘tired’ and ‘burnt-out’.
This tendency, which also leaves Māori teachers feeling isolated, creates additional workload pressure for the participants and recurring feelings of ‘burn-out’. This trend, therefore, has the potential to undermine the implementation of the Ministry of Education’s national strategy for Māori education (Ka Hikitia) within the Waitaha region and, possibly, elsewhere in New Zealand. Given that Ka Hikitia advocates “Māori enjoying educational success as Māori” (Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 18), it is difficult to see how this admirable goal will be achieved locally and nationally, especially if Māori teachers feel ‘burnt-out’ as a result of being assigned additional duties that take their real workloads well above their official workloads with no recompense and little or no recognition.
It could also be argued that the ‘cultural taxation’ identified in the research of Torepe and Manning’s (2017) research, amounts to a breach of the Treaty of Waitangi principle of ‘active protection’ in the sense that not enough is being done to actively protect the wellbeing of Māori teachers who are critical to the implementation of official Māori education policy guidelines. ‘Bi-cultural practitioners’, such as those envisaged by the New Zealand Teachers Council Registered Teacher Criteria and the Professional standards for school leaders, require teachers and principals to be capable of performing tasks such as actively participating in hui and pōwhiri. The failure of the Crown to ensure that this is the case also suggests failure to ensure that the principles of ‘partnership’ and ‘participation’ are fairly applied.
This also raises questions about the Crown’s efforts to ‘actively protect’ Māori culture within the participating schools (and schools elsewhere). It is hard to see how Māori students will ‘enjoy educational success as Māori’, if Māori teachers themselves are left feeling burnt-out and/or professionally isolated and leave the teaching profession as a result.